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Book Review BOOK REVIEW: COUNTRY OF EXILES Country of Exiles: by William Leach, published in New York by Pantheon Books, 1999. 273 pp., index William Leach recognizes that Americans have always had an itch for mobility, but he points out that by and large they have also experienced the counterbalancing urge to settle and put down roots. Immigrants crossed an ocean and spread out over the continent, but (in general) to become settlers. Since about 1980, however, he sees an acceleration of transitoriness in our society accompanied by a severely diminished "sense of place". The building of highways and gateways, the rush of trucks and trains, the spread of temporariness in work and life, the reliance on such service industries as gambling and tourism, the place-hostile activities of universities and government, and the rise of cosmopolitanism have all come at the cost of ties to towns, cities, regions, and to the country itself. (p.178) The book examines each of the above elements, their contribution to the placelessness that plagues America, the policies that promoted the change, and who benefits from these changes. We can easily grasp how automobiles and highway construction (especially the Interstates) have influenced Americans’ mobility. The same roads that allow trucks to speed the distribution of goods make it easier for us to uproot ourselves and move to greener pastures - at the expense of losing local ties and our place in local culture and tradition. This kind of mobility has facilitated an attitude dehumanizes people into simply another link in the chain of commerce. The attitude that sees the worker as just one more commodity in the shifting landscape of business has contributed to the rise in temporary labor agencies. Temp firms increased in number from 800 in 1950 to 16,00 in 1993. (p. 68) Moreover, no longer do temp firms specialize in secretarial and low-level clerical workers. Not too long ago, there came a time when the temp business sold middle class labor as well as cheap unskilled labor. It reached out, in other words, to cover such skilled professionals as lawyers, chemists, engineers, biologists, and accountants, to mention a few - the sort of workers Americans had rarely viewed as temporary. (p. 68) Exiles does not directly address the rising popularity of hiring part-time-no -benefits employees, but the practice fits well with the "landscape of the temporary". The part-timer has no incentive to stay with one employer and can flit from job to job looking for greener pastures. The businessman can take on or jettison such employees as his needs dictate.Leach describes one of the negative cultural outgrowths of the existence of massive bodies of transient labor which includes native-born as well as immigrant (legal and otherwise) workers. One serious problem with this new economic universe has been the birth of huge urban agglomerations whose very character has been determined by the growth of contingent labor pools and whose identity as places is the very placelessness that afflicts them. Metropolitan New York and Los Angeles are among such places; the culture and economy of both are shaped by the decline of an older manufacturing base and by the ubiquitous presence of a casualized work force, including temporaries, part-timers, sub-contractors, and so forth. (p.75) Many of these people, in turn, exist to serve the interests of "urban glamour zones" occupied by an elite (financial service providers of all kinds, bankers, planners, and advertising people, and so forth) which itself has become accustomed to temporariness and which has little attachment to America except as a launching pad for careerist dreams. (p. 75) It has been these two groups - an avaricious flexible elite and a large pool of poor, flexible immigrants - who have created the informal economy of New York City (as well as of the other cities). (pp. 75-76) Leach further shows the effects of transience on the kinds of shelter we construct for ourselves. Another outcome of the growing landscape of the temporary has been the rise of newer kinds of housing for the affluent as well as the poor. (p. 76) Temporary housing for the affluent includes convention centers and resorts as well as hotels and motels near airports and business centers - places not often seen or visited by many of us. Temporary housing of all kinds, then, has been cropping up since the late 1970’s but because of its relative invisibility, most Americans think nothing of it. Other kinds of housing, however, for a different group of people, have not been so hidden from view. One can see them throughout the country but especially in the South (Florida, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia) and the West and Southwest (Wyoming, New Mexico, Arizona, and California). They dot highways and rural highways, forming agglomerations on a small scale, one might say. These mobile homes and trailer parks have often met the needs of poor and working-class Americans, many tied in some way to the demands of the casual labor market. Some of Leach’s most interesting comments on trailer parks occurs in his interaction with the ideas of J.B. Jackson. J.B. Jackson taught at Harvard and Berkeley. As a member of the upper class he obviously harbored romantic notions about trailer parks and their occupants. J.B. Jackson in his 1994 book, A Sense of Place, a Sense of Time, said that trailers also resembled automobiles, impersonal and "easy to trade and sell." "When a better job becomes available somewhere else, the family can at least consider the wisdom of selling and finding similar accommodations wherever they go." Jackson also noted what he thought were the many blessings of trailer parks: the low costs, the ease of financing, and maintenance, the convenience and comfort, and the fact that trailer living "brings with it no new responsibilities, no change or expansion in the traditional routine." (p. 80; quotes from Jackson’s book, pp. 60-62) Leach counters by pointing out that trailer parks do not qualify as paradise,The lure of the temporary prevented [Jackson], by and large from appreciating fully the plight of those who lived in modern trailer parks. (p. 80) . . . he misconstrued the way in which such communities resembled the vernacular villages of the past. Most modern trailer parks resemble such villages only in their poverty. They are extremely vulnerable, more so than Jackson was willing to admit. Often badly built, they can be wiped away by storms or tornadoes; greedy landlords can evict "undesirable" tenants easily by raising their rents; and most of all, trailer parks as a whole can be crushed by the shifting demands of commercial developers. . . . the unskilled workers in mobile homes seem perfectly suited to the needs of the flexible labor market: they often move on a moment’s notice with little protest. Yet, unlike many skilled H-1B [immigrant professional] workers or academic adjuncts, who ultimately - for the most part - have more freedom to dictate their own fates, these workers have little power to shape fate on their own terms (although many would deny that anyone should help them, least of all the federal government). (pp. 88-89) Leach implies - but does not explicitly state - that Big Business, not the poor, directly and indirectly receives the lion’s share of the government dole. At that level, however, we don’t call it welfare but national interest or investment in America or some other high sounding title.Government policies in the areas of taxation, immigration, education and business taken together amount to a huge welfare program for the very richest people in our country. Our transient society has come about largely as a consequence of bending the power of civil government and corporate practice to apply these policies. Established Power imposed the landscape of the temporary on others. Jackson argued that the vernacular often equaled mobility; but just the reverse could be claimed: that ordinary people have longed for stability and permanence (as much as for their opposite), while Established Power, in its commitment to expanded markets, has preferred change. (p. 85) Country of Exiles here presents to us the outworking in our own society of a principle laid down in Scripture: "The rich man’s wealth is his strong city: the destruction of the poor is their poverty" (Proverbs 10:15). Exiles also points out that major universities have joined the ranks of Big Business in building the City of Wealth. Major universities now accept grants from large corporations for research projects which benefit those same corporations. Coupled with dwindling enrollments, this development has pushed institutions of higher learning to become market-driven and profit-oriented. After 1980, research universities shifted from national to global terrain. They embraced the transnational economy, striking alliances with companies around the world. Concerned about shrinking enrollments of native-born Americans, they turned to recruiting foreign students, foreign scholars, and wealthy immigrants. (pp. 123-124)By the 1980’s American universities were competing for customers (students), particularly for students who could pay their way, but above all for wealthy foreign and immigrant students; as a result, many of the country’s most elite schools saw a marked dwindling of the traditional majority group. (p. 135) The foreign immigrant customer/students also supplied a resource for the schools’ business/research side - cheap labor. Leach points out that the ivy covered walls of major universities conceal sweat shops for highly trained temps. Indeed, besides recruiting foreign students, schools from Harvard to Berkeley hired thousands of foreign postgraduate scholars and faculty, a practice begun long before 1990. (p. 137) Among the many flexible individuals on university payrolls, these foreign temps were called "the migrating workers of modern research, the hapless platoons of postdocs." They belonged to many fields, but most were postdoctoral men and women . . . who specialized in such prestigious fields as particle physics and molecular biology. These people expected to parlay their temporary visa status into permanent residence in the United States. They worked long hours for tiny stipends, usually far less than industry paid for comparable work, without the protection of labor regulations or unions. Their employers were often full professors who did research at taxpayers’ expense and from whom corporations often benefited, amounting to a hidden business subsidy. (pp.138-139) Some might say that hiring the least expensive labor exemplifies the economics of the free market. We can hardly point to tax funded institutions with a state-enforced virtual monopoly on granting degrees, who receive special treatment when it comes to federal policies affecting their student recruitment and hiring as paragons of free enterprise. The universities’ absorption into the world of the business cartel brought about a change in their function and purpose as well. Throughout their history, America’s greatest universities aspired to do what Cardinal Newman, in his classic book The Idea of a University, said they should do - educate "the intellect to reason well in all matters, to reach out toward truth and grasp it." (p.147) Not to mention their role as transmitters of Western culture to new generations. But, . . . insofar as American universities have emulated business practices and allied with corporations for revenue and status, they have exchanged what was left of an older form of open inquiry for a new internationalism tailored to the needs of the marketplace and indifferent to the life of the country. (p. 148) The universities’ switch from agents of Western culture to promoters of internationalism sacrifices Western Civilization on the altar of multiculturalism. Institutions of higher learning now comfortably ride the bandwagon of international commerce which promotes multicultural cosmopolitanism - building the World City of Man (for fun and profit). Market cosmopolitanism emerged after 1980 in much of the business world. It replaced Marxism (with which it once competed) in the sweep of its internationalist ambitions. (p.165)
Corporate executives, academics, and postcolonialists have together brought cosmopolitanism into the mainstream. They seem unified in their views - above all, in their phobia of place. They see place and everything associated with it (memory, the past, tradition) as confining and as negatively discriminatory. (p. 173) Think-tanks (which often represent a confluence of business and the academy), such as Cato Institute also promote the internationalist ideal. Market libertarians all, the men at Cato have urged that all obstacles - religion, nation- alism, patriotism - be modified or dumped before the god of Productivity. (p. 166) I could go on multiplying quotes on the problems of our placeless society, but I want to also show the author’s insights on place as well. Near the end of his book, William Leach demonstrates his insight into how the need for a sense of place relates to the larger questions of culture and ethics. . . . there can be no culture built under unstable protean conditions, mainly at the borders, or by strangers. Any culture that hopes to endure, to say nothing of thrive, must be formed and sustained at the centers, not at the edges. America cannot be reimagined out of the materials spawned by geographical frontiers and urban edges, because it is at those very edges and frontiers where the world’s pimps and con artists congregate the most and the market forces are the most Darwinian, most virulent, and most subversive to the making of any kind of decent collective life. (p. 176) He also helps us view this picture of what our society has already begun to resemble in light of a strong sense of place. A strong sense of place, along with the boundaries that shape it and give it meaning not only fosters creativity but also helps to provide people - especially children - with and assurance that they will be protected and not abandoned. In our time, many people are riveted by the worst kinds of sexual predation, by child abuse especially. But in a society bent on dismantling boundaries as a regular fact of life and inclined to exalt a borderless mentality, no one should be surprised that other boundaries - especially those shielding children - should provide so little power to defend. Yet it is indisputable that children need a sense of place (along with and acceptance of boundaries that define and establish the safeness of place) in order to become self-reliant. This sense of place should be ideally created by parents (not by state authorities or by police), who care for and love their children and who give place to the feeling of "indestructibility" which every child needs. "Where firm boundaries are needed to give meaning to content and control to spontaneity, and do not hold," observed child analyst D.W. Winnicott, "there will be an increase in the number and power of antisocial individuals, tipping the balance against the mature in society." (p. 179, Winnicott quoted in Madeleine David and David Wallbridge, eds., Boundary and Space: An Introduction to the Work of D.W. Winnicott [New York: Brunner/Mazel Pub., 1990], p. 151) But as Jackson . . . observed, boundaries "stand for law and permanence," "create neighbors," and "transform an amorphous environment into a human landscape." (p. 180) Country of Exiles accurately depicts society as bent on tearing down all walls, obliterating all boundaries. Those of us interested in community, permanence and a sense of place as aspects of the heavenly assembly need to listen to men like William Leach. We need to stop trying to ape the trends of the world in order to demonstrate our shallow attempts at relevance, and our churches need to fully express community in covenant, community rooted in the permanent and immovable. If we do not, we shall continue to drift, and our boundaries and standards will continue to follow the way of the world.
For Crown and Covenant, Craig Mutton
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